МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЙ СЕЛЬСКОХОЗЯЙСТВЕННЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ № 6 / 2016
7
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ГЛАВНАЯ ТЕМА НОМЕРА
On one hand, the majority of land was cultivat-
ed by small farms only in Latvia, Lithuania, Poland,
Romania and Slovenia. In Poland and Slovenia,
small scale farms dominated agriculture during the
socialist period and they have not been changed
much after 1990 (Csáki and Jámbor, 2013). On the
other hand, large farms ruled land use in the other
five countries. Values of Czech Republic and Slova-
kia (around 90% for large farms) show an extreme
dominance of large scale farming. However, medi-
um-scale farming is missing in most cases. These
land use patterns stayed relatively stable if compar-
ing these results to pre-accession levels. Concern-
ing the impact of farm structures on post-accession
performances, it is evident that in Poland and Slo-
venia small scale agriculture proved to be benefi-
cial, while the dominance of large scale farming
seemed to have detrimental impacts on country
performances except for Estonia.
Differently implemented land and farm con-
solidation policies had also diverse effects on post-
accession country performance. Restrictive pre-
accession land policies and the lack of land and
farm consolidation (e.g. in Hungary) has negatively
influenced the capacity to take advantage of the
enlarged markets by significantly constraining the
flow of capital outside the agricultural sector (Ci-
aian et al. 2010). Conversely, liberal land policies
(e.g. in Baltic countries) helped the agricultural sec-
tor to obtain more resources and utilise the pos-
sibilities created by the accession better. In other
words, those countries with restrictive land poli-
cies, as also suggested by Swinnen and Vranken
(2010), performed worse.
The magnitude of privatisation in the agri-food
sector and the type of foreign ownership also af-
fected post-accession performances. After the col-
lapse of the Soviet markets there was a massive
privatisation of the agri-food sector in the majority
of NMS. Those countries giving ownership of food
processing companies to local farmers (e.g. Czech
Republic, Poland) performed better, while the rapid
rise of foreign ownership together with fast privati-
sation resulted in worse performances in the long
run (e.g. Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania).
The ways in which the countries used EU-fund-
ed pre-accession programmes such as SAPARD,
ISPA and PHARE was also important. Those who fo-
cused on competitiveness enhancement and pro-
duction improvement were better in realising the
benefits after accession. On the contrary, delays
in creating the required institutions as well as the
initial disturbances of implementation resulted in
the loss of some EU funds in a number of countries
(Csáki-Jámbor, 2013).
The diversity of the macro environment also
had an impact (
Figure 4
). Annual average GDP
growth in the NMS was the highest in Latvia for
the first two periods and Poland for the third, while
the lowest in Bulgaria, Hungary and Slovenia in the
three respective periods. Note that it was only Es-
tonia and Poland whose annual GDP growth re-
mained positive in the third period when the ef-
fects of the 2008 economic crisis was the biggest.
Volatility and transparency of agricultural poli-
cies were probably the most important reasons be-
hind different performances. Changing agricultural
policies, usually taking a u-turn after elections, were
very much against the long-termgrowth of the agri-
food sector. Those countries with reliable and trans-
parent policies (e.g. Poland) could reach better re-
sults than those with fire-brigade agri-food policy
making during the past decade (e.g. Hungary). The
consistency of agri-food policy making is also re-
flected in the existence of long-term agriculture and
rural development strategies of which the majority
in the region was in lack (Potori et al. 2013).
The focus of total payments on agriculture also
determined agri-food performances. Before acces-
sion, payments in favour of competitiveness en-
hancement definitely proved to be beneficial. On
one hand, those countries, where agricultural sub-
sidies to farmers remained at a lower level (e.g. Po-
land), have gained much with the accession which
has provided visible incentives for production and
led to an increase of agri-food trade balance. On
the other hand, those countries providing initially
high and uneven price and market support (e.g.
Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary) were considered to
lose with accession as it has brought hardly any
price increase. Agricultural policy aimed to en-
hance competitiveness was a failure and resulted
in a situation where the majority of farmers were
not prepared for the accession (Csáki-Jámbor, 2013,
Popp-Jambor, 2015).
Regarding the focus of total payments on ag-
riculture, a different picture appears after acces-
sion. Interestingly, those countries that spent less
than the regional average on value added generally
performed better (
Figure 5
). On one hand, Bulgar-
ia, Romania and Slovakia spent more than a quar-
ter of their axis 1 funds to agricultural value added
growth which, from 10 years hindsight, was a mis-
take. The reason probably lies in the low effective-
ness of these payments — value added does not
necessarily mean enhanced competitiveness if the
product structure is mis-selected.
Figure 3. Share of farms by UAA in the NMS in 2010 (%)
Source: Own composition based on Eurostat (2015) data
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Less than 5 ha 5-29.99 ha 30-99.99 ha 100 ha or more
-2,00
0,00
2,00
4,00
6,00
8,00
Bulgaria
Czech Republic
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
1999-2003
2004-2008
2009-2013
Figure 4. Annual GDP growth in the NMS, 1999-2013 (%)
Source: Own composition based on World Bank (2015) data
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Generation change
Adding value to agricultural and forestry products
Modernisation of agricultural holdings
Figure 5. Distribution of the most important first axis payments
in the programming period 2007-2013 by NMS (percentage)
Source: Own composition based on RDR (2013)
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